By INVESTOR’S BUSINESS DAILY | Posted Friday, October 03, 2008 4:20 PM PT
Election ’08: Voters coast-to-coast are receiving e-mails from the Obama campaign encouraging them to sign up to learn pre-election agitation tactics at “Camp Obama.” Red kerchiefs, anyone?
Read More: Election 2008
When readers first alerted us to the camps, we thought it might be another hoax that migrated into inboxes. But it’s for real.
The unsolicited pitch goes like this: “Camp Obama attendees will receive real world organizing experience that will have a direct impact on this election. Graduates of Camp Obama will go on to become Deputy Field Organizers who will lead this campaign to victory in crucial battleground states around the country.”
The letter continues, “By participating in Camp Obama you’ll get the kind of experience that Barack got as a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago, where he learned that real change happens from the bottom up.”
While the letter neglects to identify the source of that “experience,” a slide on a camp blog linked to the Obama Web site offers a clue. Underneath a “Welcome to Camp Obama” banner, a trainer at Obama headquarters in Chicago is seen speaking next to a wipe board with the words “Saul Alinsky” scrawled across it.
Alinsky is the late Chicago socialist and street agitator who is considered the father of community organizing.
Another slide of a camp trainer identified as Mike Kruglik is equally telling. Kruglik happens to be the Alinsky disciple who first taught Obama hardball organizing tactics on the South Side. He was Obama’s boss in the ’80s. Kruglik now works for the Chicago-based Gamaliel Foundation, which trains and deploys radicals across the country.
Kruglik once declared Obama “the undisputed master of agitation,” according to David Freddoso, author of the best-seller “The Case Against Barack Obama.”
Obama learned well from the master agitator. Alinsky taught future radicals that bad things are often done for the right reasons, love without power is sentimental mush, power must be taken, and all change comes about as a result of threat and pressure.
Obama calls his Alinskyite experience “the best education I ever had.”
Now he’s passing it on to his groupies. He recently told supporters in Nevada, a state that will be hotly contested, to sharpen their elbows in the final lap of the race. Confront Republicans, he said, and “get in their faces.”
“Be absolutely ruthless,” adds Camp Obama director Jocelyn Woodards, who leads the intensive two-day training course for campers in Chicago.
In the Alinsky model, organizing is code for agitating. For revolution. He had no patience for liberals who merely talked of change.
“Liberals protest,” he wrote in “Rules for Radicals,” while “radicals rebel.” Liberals become “indignant,” while “radicals become fighting mad and go into action.”
“Liberals give and take oral arguments,” Alinsky added. “Radicals give and take the hard, dirty, bitter way of life.”
Alinsky’s paragon of radicalism was Satan, to whom he dedicated the first edition of “Rules”: “Lest we forget at least an over-the-shoulder acknowledgment to the very first radical known to man who rebelled against the establishment and did it so effectively that he at least won his own kingdom — Lucifer.”
Dirty street fighting is at the heart of Obama’s organizing. While he stands above the fray, his minions at ACORN are threatening, intimidating, confronting and even committing voter fraud. This is Alinsky’s end-justifies-means morality in action. Whatever it takes to win the revolution.
Obama needs more agitators, so he’s set up these camps to train them.
ACORN has the minority communities covered, while the camps are churning out mostly coed organizers. The Chicago program has already trained some 2,000 agitators to go back to their college campuses and reproduce more Obama clones.
No campaign has been successful at mobilizing students to vote en masse. But Obama hired the founder of MTV’s Rock the Vote to organize students and train them to use Alinsky tactics on campuses in battleground states.
They have been training these students since the primaries. They in turn are registering fellow students in droves to vote, while creating massive phone banks to help get out the vote on Election Day. Meanwhile, ACORN is registering thousands of minorities to vote in key states.
Such potential new voters don’t show up in the national polls of “likely voters,” which show a relatively tight race, because they’ve never voted and don’t show on past rolls.
If they turn out at the polls on Nov. 4, it could translate into a landslide for Obama.
If he can garner better than 50% of the popular vote, he can claim a mandate for his radical agenda.
What’s more, all these first-time minority and student voters wouldn’t vote for just Obama. They’d also more than likely vote down-ballot for other Democrats, padding their majorities in Congress.
If Democrats score supermajorities, filibuster-proofing the Senate, Obama could get most of his agenda rammed through in the first 100 days, surely in the first two years, before Americans could get a chance to check Democrat power in the midterm election of 2010.
How much damage could they do? Well, look at how much damage the Clintonistas did. We’re now seeing the financial fruits of their social experiment to apply affirmative action to the lending business. Obama plans to conduct a far more radical social experiment.
Few during this long campaign have wanted to talk about Obama’s days as a community organizer or his ties to radicals, because they didn’t want to raise the S word. Well, guess what? The avoidance has given him license to apply his organizing skills on a mass scale.
It made the difference in the primaries when he beat the Clinton machine, and it may now make the difference in the general election.
Not calling attention to Alinsky and the other socialists behind the Obama movement has even allowed creation of camps to indoctrinate American youth.
If John McCain hopes to win, he’ll have to act as ruthlessly as Obama’s campers.
He can start by exposing for voters the socialist underpinnings of community organizing.